Who wants Sodexo in Wales?

Sodeo is a lead member of the Metrix consortium - Welsh MPs are lobbying for them to come to Wales in a £14bnt PFI

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Sodexo leading St AthanPFI Email them Tell Them to Respect Workers in the Dominican Republic and around the World http://bit.ly/9BMNRm

Jobs promised at St Athan
Most of the 3000 claimed are for transferees. The breakdown given at the public inquiry last January shows 1200 military staff (including 500 non-project staff) and just 1800 civilian jobs. These include 1200 managers, contractor personnel and trainer staff transferring from existing English bases

Politicians have ignored the many job-seeking spouses and family members arriving with the 2400 transferees. These job-seekers (estimated at 1200 to1900) far outnumber the few hundred available jobs in cleaning, maintenance, transport and catering (up to 600).
That why we say the promise of jobs was not just exaggerated, but is illusory.

News from cosford

News - A Welcome Boost for Cosford
Today’s edition of the Shropshire Star reports that plans to move defence training to South Wales could now be axed. Union officials have welcomed the news and the boost it gives to RAF Cosford’s chances of survival as a military base:
A Government source has said the £14 billion private finance initiative project, awarded by the Labour administration, is unlikely to be given the green light by the present Conservative/Lib Dem coalition because of the huge costs.
It opens up the possibility of studies for a much lower cost replacement which could mean a reprieve for RAF Cosford and secure its future. Mr O’Harney said they believed the programme for the new facility at St Athan had been flawed since its inception.
He said the cost of the facility had soared from £11bn to £14bn in the space of three years.

The source said: “The logic for something on that site remains compelling. The model does not. It’s not impossible that something will go ahead – but it won’t be a gargantuan PFI.”
St Athan has been viewed as vulnerable as the coalition is keen to axe £20bn of defence contracts structured as PFIs – and the St Athan project is not yet under contract.
The full article can be viewed here

MP backs St Athan PR firm's Labour donation‎

MP backs St Athan PR firm's Labour donation‎  WalesOnline - James McCarthy 29 Sept 2010
A PR firm employed by the company behind the St Athan defence training college paid £2500 to the constituency party of project supporter, Labour MP Chris Bryant.
....A PR firm employed by the company behind the St Athan defence training college paid £2,500 to the constituency party of project supporter, Labour MP Chris Bryant, it has emerged.
Mr Bryant, who represents Rhondda, said the donation was the cost of a table at a fundraising dinner for the constituency Labour party and had nothing to do with his support for the £14bn academy.
Campaigners against the St Athan development, which is led by the Metrix consortium involving defence firms Qinetiq and France’s Sodexo, criticised the constituency party for accepting the donation.
The cash was paid after a fundraising dinner for the constituency party before the General Election by Bell Pottinger, the parent company of Cardiff’s Good Relations PR firm, which has also donated to Conservative party coffers.
Bell Pottinger is employed by Metrix.
Mr Bryant said: “Bell Pottinger came and made a contribution to the cost of their table.
“I have never received a penny from Metrix.
“I have only ever campaigned for St Athan because I think it will bring jobs to Wales.
Oh yeah?
“I have declared everything I am meant to declare.
“I have never received a penny personally from Bell Pottinger or from Metrix and St Athan is supported by the Conservative Party, Plaid Cymru, the Lib Dems and Labour.“I have spent a huge amount of time campaigning for this to happen, otherwise it would go somewhere else.”
He said the party accepting money from Bell Pottinger did not constitute a conflict of interest.
The money only helped to fund his election campaign!
Lord Tim Bell – chairman of Bell Pottinger parent company Chime Communications – was an adviser in Margaret Thatcher’s three successful general election campaigns.
The Tory peer said: “It is not a reflection of political sympathies.
“It is a reflection of the fact that we run a public affairs business that has relationships with all the political parties. It is the issue about definitions. What the public thinks is a definition (of a political donation) is giving money to a political party to pursue political aims.
“Unfortunately because of the Electoral Commission’s and the media’s attack on political donations, all sorts of broad definitions have come into it.
“If you take a table at a conference it will be declared as a political donation.
Cash for access to you and me
“It is no longer any reflection of where political sympathies lie.”
He insisted Bell Pottinger did not “make any secret” of its political donations.
Plaid Cymru AM Bethan Jenkins claimed the money could be perceived as a conflict of interest.
She said: “I don’t know why Bell Pottinger has changed its loyalties. It may be that they have more to gain from Labour MPs.”
In 2008 Metrix itself gave £7,000 to the national arm of Labour.
Anne Greagsby, an anti-Metrix campaigner thought such donations should be outlawed.
She said: “I think it is appalling.”

An American lobbyist once quipped that: 'The way to a man's "aye" is through his stomach.'[1] This form of influence-peddling is often derided by parliamentary wags, who argue that there is indeed such a thing as a free lunch. But the use of expensive meals and evening entertainment is a common method to either extract information from or influence an MP - 'Gastronomic pimping', Aneurin Bevan called it.[2]

1 Schlozman and Tierney, 1986, p. 294. Quoted in Grant Jordan, The Commercial Lobbyists, p. 24.

2 Alan Doig, Westminster Babylon, p. 307.
2 Aneurin Bevan (1897–1960), British Labour politician. Quoted in Aneurin Bevan, vol. 2, ch. 6, Michael Foot (1973).

See also A raw deal for the taxpayer as trainee numbers shrink and costs spiral upwards

The latest edition of Private Eye report on the defence academy PR campaign in the run up to the party conferences: "The public relations operation behind the controversial plan to privatise military training under a £14bn. 30-year PFI deal at a new defence academy in South Wales (Eyes passim) is being ratcheted up, ready for the schmooze-fest that is the party conference season.
The Metrix consortium, which is lined up for the contract, has hired another PR agency, Citigate Dewe Rogerson, to help exisiting adviser Bell Pottinger (see Eye 1268) convince the government to go ahead with a deal that is already behind schedule and whose costs have escalated by around £3bn before anything has been signed.
Citigate is busy preparing guest lists for dinners to be hosted at all the party conferences, and has been in “continual contact” with Welsh Lib Dem leader Kirsty Williams and Labour MP for Rhonda Chris Bryant and his Tory neighbour in the Vale of Glamorgan Alun Cairns, in whose constituency the academy will be sited."
The full Private Eye article can be viewed here


A question for Chris Bryant

Q to Chris Bryant MP for Rhondda 

Who's paying for the dinner at Labour Conf that he's sponsoring
 The MoD has poured in £millions to try and save the project since Sodexo took over, even though PFI was supposed to bear the preparation costs and risks.

The latest edition of Private Eye report on the defence academy PR campaign in the run up to the party conferences:

The public relations operation behind the controversial plan to privatise military training under a £14bn. 30-year PFI deal at a new defence academy in South Wales (Eyes passim) is being ratcheted up, ready for the schmooze-fest that is the party conference season.
The Metrix consortium, which is lined up for the contract, has hired another PR agency, Citigate Dewe Rogerson, to help exisiting adviser Bell Pottinger (see Eye 1268) convince the government to go ahead with a deal that is already behind schedule and whose costs have escalated by around £3bn before anything has been signed.
Citigate is busy preparing guest lists for dinners to be hosted at all the party conferences, and has been in “continual contact” with Welsh Lib Dem leader Kirsty Williams and Labour MP for Rhonda Chris Bryant and his Tory neighbour in the Vale of Glamorgan Alun Cairns, in whose constituency the academy will be sited.
Then, on 21st of this month, there’s a “David Cameron black tie dinner” at the Dorchester, for which the PR men must “prepare key messages in advance” and “ensure liaison with Bell Pottinger and PM’s office”.
  • The full article can be viewed here.


Kirsty Williams St Athan dinner for Metrix

Kirsty Williams - enjoying power
Kirsty as leader of the Welsh LibDems enjoyed the Conference limelight.

Taking up the message "let's enjoy power", Kirsty sponsored a dinner for Metrix (alias Sodexo-Qinetiq) to introduce them to key LibDems.   Danny Alexander and Nick Harvey were on the initial invitation list, just the Ministers who are to take a decision on the £14 billion project.  The dinner list that Metrix wanted was amazingly brazen:

But the list leaked out, none of the people in government were allowed to attend.  Can we hope the nosh was enjoyed, courtesy of Metrix, though by lesser politicians

What sort of values has Kirsty Williams who is enjoying the Conference limelight? But sponsoring a dinner for Metrix (alias Sodexo-Qinetiq) to give them access to Danny Alexander and Nick Harvey, just the Ministers who are to take a decision on the St Athan Metrix PFI for military training @ £14 billion.Isn't Kirsty coy about her dinner invitees, replete with Lib-Dems enjoying power:
# Danny Alexander MP + Julia Goldsworthy (Spad)
# Nick Harvey MP
# Jenny Willott MP
# James McGrory and Polly MacKenzie (No 10 Policy Unit)
# Chris Saunders (Spad to Nick Clegg).
Kirsty Williams should have listened to Vince Cable now silenced.
Kirsty Williams spech to Lib Dem conf "I will always speak up for Wales and I will always speak up for my beliefs and my values. Now, he may be a saint, but when Vince Cable, before the election, decided to commit our party to cutting the proposed military college at St Athan in South Wales, he soon learnt of my determination to fight for the best deal for Wales and the best defence for the UK .
For that project has been identified by the MoD’s strategic defence review as critical to our military capability. And when we know that money is tight, we Liberal Democrats understand that it is the cancelation of Trident that will make projects like St Athan possible. That is an argument that I know we are winning in the country and it is one we must win in Government. "

Has Kirsty read that Peter Luff, minister for defence support and technology, said it was ‘clear that mistakes in defence procurement have been made in the past’ but the current government would ensure future contracts were better managed and provided better value for money. They must take another look at the finances and flawed business for the St athan PFI where costs have soared to £14bn. Yes - MoD ‘did not understand costs of PFI deal’ Ministry of Defence officials did not understand the costs involved when they launched their largest Private Finance Initiative project, a damning report by the Public Accounts Committee has found. Have we the same officals working on St Athan and the Metrix deal?
They also used a defective comparison with public funding for the £10.5bn future strategic tanker aircraft (FSTA) project – which provides in-air refuelling for military aircraft. The deal took nine years to negotiate and failed to provide value for money. The 27-year contract was signed in 2008 with the Air Tanker consortium, which owns the refuelling aircraft and makes them available as needed.

When will you meet us Kirsty?

Private Eye has more news of the Metrix PR assault  this week and we say hello to Citigate another PR firm joining the offensive who have worked with lead partner Qinitiq who ripped off the taxpayer. See also

The truth from Vince Cable before he was silenced!
BBC NEWS Cable says scrap defence .15 Sep 2009 ... Vince Cable said the £13bn project was too costly ... thousands of jobs in south Wales should be scrapped, the Liberal Democrat Treasury spokesman has said. Dr Vince Cable MP said the £13bn to set up the St Athan project ...
 Lib Dem Treasury spokesman Vince Cable has identified the Training College, due to open in St Athan in 2014, as one project that should be ...


St Athan Defence Training College, Briefing

St Athan Defence Training College, Briefing[1]

In January 2007, Westminster announced a new military training college for the Vale of Glamorgan at the St Athan base. Welsh politicians celebrated it as one of the best things to ever happen to Wales and its economy – claimed to ‘create’ thousands of jobs, which has proven false.

The project is not just integration of training for British forces, but would commit Wales and the UK for 30 years to a consortium in which international weapons suppliers are prominent partners[1]. The Metrix partnership led by multinational companies, includes some of the world’s most powerful arms companies. Both Raytheon and Qinetiq are shunned by ethical investors[2].  The third lead partner is Sodexo, controversial in catering and managing prisons[3].

A raw deal for the taxpayer as trainee numbers shrink and costs spiral upwards
When announced in January 2007, £14 billion was given as the price of both training Package-1 and Package-2[4].  Then Package 2 (one third of the total) was cut out and the price reduced to £11 billion (February 2008).  Though the MOD agreed to reducing trainee contact-hours by 25%, the cost crept up to £12 billion (10 Sept. 2008). Then £13 billion was cited at the January 2010 Public Inquiry, though trainee places had shrunk to 2700 (from 4000-6000). Next, in July 2010, the Minister stated £14 billion, with the MoD giving as excuse that they can’t control inflation[5].  Yet Metrix claim savings compared with the non-PFI alternative (which cost £11.4bn in 2008).

Pressed in the Commons, the Minister[6] stated the increase in costs since Sept. 2008 results from
“the substantial increased cost of finance, increased provision for risk, and the changed assumption for inflation throughout the life of the project”.  
The first is due to the credit crunch, but increases in the ‘risk’ premium and in assumed future inflation indicate the MoD allowing financial drift to keep the PFI on the road.  Companies chosen for PFI-funded contracts are supposed to cover initial costs and bear risks in project delivery[7].  Land Securities Trillion were originally the lead partner for project management, but they withdrew in December 2008 after investing £20 million.  Sodexo were promoted to lead partner in February 2009 without competitive bidding, and since then the MoD has awarded special funding.  This included an extra £32M risk reduction[8], £31M to Metrix for design of integrated training (2009) and £29M for Early Works (Jan.2010).  In addition millions (nearly £8M) have gone to legal and financial consultants, as well as planning etc. costs that would normally be borne by the PFI company.
Paid to Company
Price Waterhouse Coopers
Audit + financial advisors
Simmons & Simmons
Legal services
Partnerships UK
£619, 549
Promote PFI projects
Planning consultants
GVA Grimley
Property consultants
White Young Green
Planning consultants
Financial advice
MoD Defence services
Hewitt Associates
Human resources consulting
Security services
Legion Group
Security  [in administration]
Information Technology
Defence Estates
Various contractors

Table: MoD figures for direct expenditure on the Metrix project (no breakdown available in earlier years). While the planning consultants are doing a set piece of survey work and preparing documents, the biggest sums go for banking/financial advice from companies with a strong interest in continuing the PFI deal so they continue to get a percentage. Other expenditure  by WAG includes the Camargue PR firm engaged to run the ‘public consultation’   and £12.5M (+contingency) for advance works[9], which MoD would refund if they don’t proceed.  Simmons & Simmons advised the MoD on the much criticised 2002 sale of Qinetiq at knockdown price.

Why didn’t the Assembly and Welsh politicians reject Metrix?
Assembly politicians claimed it was a Westminster decision and so outside their jurisdiction.  Yet the WDA seconded two officers to Metrix, and since their absorption in the Welsh Assembly Government, a team of civil servants have worked on it. Some local politicians, notably Chris Bryant MP and former MP John Smith talk of ‘jobs’ and multi-billion investment.  John Smith and local media persisted in calling the total PFI cost “investment” and accused critics of endangering ‘Welsh’ jobs. The actual investment of £830million includes housing[10] and is similar to the St Davids-2 retail development in Cardiff. 

False claims about jobs for Wales
At the Welsh Affairs Committee in July 2006, local AM and Welsh Minister, Jane Hutt spoke of “the creation of 5500 permanent jobs”, while Chris Bryant upped it to “maybe 6000”.  The MoD baseline numbers[11] in DTR1 are 2400 military staff, 1600 civilian staff, 6000 defence trainees (standing population) plus contractor personnel in catering, security etc.
·   At the Public Inquiry (Jan. 2010), Metrix gave 3000 total, of which 700 are military staff and 500 are non-project staff
·   The 1800 civilian jobs include 1200 managers, contractor personnel and trainer staff transferring to Metrix[12]. The jobs available for local job seekers are in cleaning, maintenance, transport and catering.
·   The Inquiry was told military trainee places have reduced from the 6000 to 2700, a figure that could be cut to about 2000 by the Defence Review.
·   The 2400 transfers to St Athan will bring in many job-seeking spouses and family members[13], estimated as 1200-1900.  These job-seekers far outnumber the few hundred (up-to 600) jobs provided.

What of the Aerospace Business Park component of the St Athan development?
Over £100 million was spent on the former Red Dragon project at St Athan to provide MoD aircraft servicing and refits, before the MoD withdrew.  WAG had argued this would be the heart of an aerospace ‘centre of excellence’.  No mention was made of the weapons development though WAG’s publicity promised high security conditions.  Despite failing to attract significant aerospace work, WAG resolved to carry on when Red Dragon collapsed.  The Wales Audit Office blamed a lack of co-operation between the MoD and Welsh Assembly Government for the Red Dragon failure. Whatever the reasons, the advanced aerospace business park, promoted as “capable of generating several thousand skilled and high paid jobs in the long term” has since dwindled to almost nothing. The DARA project based there has shed 2,000 skilled engineering jobs, and the remaining 340 are soon to end.  WAG brushes aside this history of failure and their adoption in 2009 of low carbon economic policy, with their St Athan project team under Nicola Goodwin-Bailey still banking on expanding aerospace investment.

How would the development affect perceptions, within and outside Wales?
Welsh politicians have been able to keep their distance from the Iraq invasion, while proudly associating with starting the Greenham women movement in south Wales. There’s a strong stand of peace-making and anti-militarism in Welsh nationalism[14].  Wales would be regarded as being directly associated with providing training for overseas military personnel, including from countries whose regimes have questionable human rights records. Further, in today’s divided world, the high-profile College offers a target for terrorist attack, with St Athan becoming a high surveillance zone. And such a massive military project on Welsh soil goes against the ethos of sustainable development and international citizenship, which the Welsh Assembly claims to espouse.

Public Inquiry into the development project
The WAG rejected calls for a public inquiry under planning law, but could not avoid one over the Compulsory Purchase Orders (CPOs), held Jan/Feb. 2010.  Several Welsh organisations including  Cynefin y Werin presented cases against the CPOs.  The substantial local opposition showed that claims of ‘overwhelming’ public support by consultants (adopted by Rhodri Morgan[15]) were fabricated.  Much opposition centred on the huge extent of greenfield development, instead of using land available within the MoD base.  Though the numbers of trainees and staff had been scaled down, the size of the development remained unchanged. The Community Council and others argued that instead of a new northern access road through meadows and disturbing housing, a direct access via West Camp is feasible.  The Inspector’s report was completed last March, but WAG and the MoD are delaying publication, raising concerns about the legal process has been subordinated to the government’s development interests.  Has the Inspector decided that the CPOs cannot all be said to be ‘necessary in the public interest’ – especially the linked Weycock Cross road junction development – so are they trying to fix the problem in secret[16]? 

Will the down-scaled project be cut in the Strategic Defence Review?
The severe down-scaling of the whole St Athan project (from 6000 to 2700 or even 2000 trainee places) removes the logic for a new College requiring nearly £1 billion investment.  There’s a generous £830.5 million capital for the College itself[17], including quality housing and extravagant sports facilities (Table below), plus roads and infrastructure at up to £60M[18].  Instead, the Defence College of Aeronautical Engineering could stay at Cosford airbase and the integrated training be provided at the empty Blandford base[19].  The Navy’s training base is already planned to stay at Gosport till at least 2020.  Upgrading Cosford and Blandford’s facilities for the reduced numbers is relatively cheap.  Expectations from selling off other MoD land for development have been hit by the Credit Crunch[20].

Nevertheless, Defence Minister Nick Harvey (Commons answer[21] to Mark Pritchard MP of 5th July) showed no intention to genuinely review the scheme.  He spoke of “obvious synergy” with other work at St Athan and that any change would “add considerably to the final cost”.  The first is false as DARA work and workforce is rapidly disappearing from St Athan[22].  The second prejudges the review.

Metrix Lobbying via PR firm, Bell Pottinger
Private Eye has disclosed a lobby campaign[23] aimed at Ministers in the new government.  Their “congratulation letters” to re-elected MPs promised a “series of good-news events if DTC goes ahead” and “a considerable backlash in Wales if it did not”.  Supportive Lib Dems in Wales were targeted as “a route through to David Laws and Nick Harvey”.  Evidently Metrix and their PR company (Bell Pottinger) hit their target as Dennis Anderson (Treasury replacement for David Laws) and Defence Minister Nick Harvey are down to attend the Metrix dinner at the Lib Dem Party conference, hosted by the Welsh leader Kirsty Williams AM.

Chris Bryant MP and Alun Cairns MP have set up a cross-party parliamentary group to lobby for Metrix, while Chris Bryant admits to taking £2,500 for election expenses from Bell Pottinger.  Both are reportedly hosting dinners for Metrix at their respective Party conferences.   

Opposition to privatisation
The Defence Training Review started with the aim of integrating trainees across the services, but was pushed by government down the PFI road.  At the time, this kept spending off the balance sheet and raised capital for new facilities from the market.  The accounting loophole has now been plugged and PFI has been exposed as often giving poor value.  The next biggest PFI within the MoD has over 50% going on profits and finance costs[24].  The union representing training staff, PCS, wants defence training to remain in the public sector, pointing to the record from privatising military services in the USA that shows (Blackwater) a lack of accountability to government and abuse of human rights. Privatisation risks the quality of training[25].  An MoD risk assessment leaked to Private Eye revealed that the project poses serious risks to the front line: “trained output could fail to meet requirement of operational commands “, “there is a risk that Metrix will not be able to deliver the numbers of suitably trained personnel that are required and/or that the training output is not to a sufficiently high standard.” Private Eye reported[26] opposition of top military staff: “I was very impressed by the training facilities” wrote Air Vice-Marshal Nick Kurth after a visit to Cosford, “with a good mix of traditional hands-on work, for which there is ultimately no substitute, to the relatively high-end computer based simulation where appropriate and I question what further level of innovation that  Metrix are going to bring to our extant training regime”. His worries echo concerns that Metrix will substitute cheaper computer simulation in place of the practice with military kit. Training staff are now drawn from serving personnel retiring after years of experience, and they would mostly not move to St Athan. 
Table of Construction Expenditure for DTC Expenditure by category of development
£ million
DTC Training Facilities
SLA (Single Living) Accommodation
SFA (Service Family Accommodation) Housing (483 units)
Recreation and shopping facilities (crèche, shops, post office, tailor, bars, car hire centre, community centre, etc.)
Leisure centre and sporting facilities
Hotel (150 bed)
Messes, kitchens, office facilities, facilities for bands (marching bands), headquarters building, estate support buildings (deliveries, waste centre, pass office) infrastructure elements (energy centre) medical, dental.

[1] Compiled with information not readily available, from Metrix exhibitions in the locality and other details from Barry & Vale Friends of the Earth group, from documents to the CPO Public Inquiry (Jan-Feb. 2010) and from the PCS Union who monitor the project from a critical position on behalf of their membership (trainer staff etc.). Some is at and

[1] St Athan Defence Training Academy and the Future of Wales Cynefin y Werin pamphlet by Stuart Tannock, 2007, available at  ; saw the Academy (now renamed Technical College) as a step towards the privatisation of war activities.  Analogies have been drawn with the School of Americas (John Pilger http://www.antimetrix.org/). Metrix would train not just the British military - forces from around the world, including Pakistan, Malaysia and more dodgy regimes could be trained in Wales.
[2] Raytheon produce Tomahawk missiles that deliver cluster munitions and depleted Uranium shells.
[4] Package-1 includes training in aeronautical and mechanical engineering, communications and information systems; Package-2 covered logistics, photography, joint police and personnel admin, security, languages and intelligence. 
[5] Western Mail 20 August 2010, www.walesonline.co.uk/.../question-over-st-athan-plan-as-predicted-costs-rise-3bn-91466-27100062/.  On 6th Sept. 2010, the Minister stated the “increase in costs since 2008 results from the substantial increased cost of finance, increased provision for risk, and the changed assumption for inflation throughout the life of the project”, implying much of the increase is special to PFI financing.
[6] Nick Harvey The current estimate of the cost of the Defence Training Rationalisation Package 1 Project is £14 billion compared to the £12 billion reported on 10 September 2008, Hansard, column 1807W. This represents the cost for the provision of the construction of new facilities at St Athan and the whole operating costs for the entire 30 year life of the project. These operating costs include staff, catering and maintenance costs, the majority of which we already carry today. The increase in costs since 2008 results from the substantial increased cost of finance, increased provision for risk, and the changed assumption for inflation throughout the life of the project.
[7] MoD website on the DTR   The Telegraph commented (7 Aug.2010) “Apart from politicians' serious doubts about their value to the taxpayer, PFIs tie the Government into high capital costs which must be paid back regularly. That means no flexibility to spend less in years when there is a need to save money.” < www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/newsbysector/industry/defence/7931900/20bn-defence-contracts-face-axe.html>

[8] 24 Feb.2009:  www.dailymail.co.uk/money/article-1154863/Ministry-Defence-spends-40m-ailing-contract.html.  On 25 Feb.2010 the FT reported £32m underwriting risk

[9] Cabinet update, Jan. 2010  http://wales.gov.uk/docs//dfm/minutes/cabinet/100304stathanen.doc
[10] £240M on SLA (single living accommodation) and £130.5M  on service family housing out of a total of £830.5M  (Table above)
www.antimetrix.org/2009/02/state-underwrites-st-athan-defences-pfi.html .  Another £60m on roads and infrastructure is to be shared 50/50 MoD/WAG
[12] Metrix’s breakdown of numbers (Inquiry doc. CD 5B.7) shows totals rounded up compared with figures given in March 2009 presentations (below, in brackets[ ]):  Project staff numbers are
● Metrix staff in Facilities and Estates 910 [865], include security, transport, catering, as well as project management and training management transferred to St Athan
● Civilian Trainer staff to be transferred from existing training centres number 900 [735]
They also count Military staff seconded to the project at 700 [655].
The Project staff numbers total 2510 [2255]. To make up the 3000 total ‘jobs’, non-Project numbers are included (F&E 130, Training services 50, Military 310). These non-Project staff include the military band and Museum staff, and are existing posts transferring to St Athan.  The Entec Final Economic Impact Report May 2009, Table 1.4  contains similar numbers to Inquiry doc. CD 5B.7.
[13] Of the 700 military staff, 550 are expected to need family accommodation.  Taking a similar fraction (80%) of all transferees with families and each bringing 0.6-1 spouses/older children seeking work results in12-1900 jobseekers.
[14] Robin Gwyndaf, Na i Academi Filwrol – Ie i Academi Heddwch [No to a Military Academy – Yes to a Peace Academy], Cymod (Newsletter Cymdeithas y Cymod yng Nghymru – FoR in Wales), p.4, Spring 2009.
[15] March 2009 http://www.plasticductwork.com/news/2009/03/27/public-is-backing-brilliant-mod-st-athan-project/
[17]  Table 4.9, Economic Impact Report Draft May09v2, Entec UK, reproduced above
[18] 12 May 2009, Minister’s statement. http://wales.gov.uk/about/cabinet/cabinetstatements/2009/stathan/?lang=en
[19] Information from the Trades Union PCS who represent the trainer-staff and have given information for this Briefing  Mr H O’Harney;  the alternative said to require upgrading at 9 bases is Metrix misinformation.
[21] Nick Harvey (Minister of State (Armed Forces), Defence; North Devon, Liberal Democrat)
“My hon. Friend is aware that there were two different proposals in the final analysis for the defence training review facilities: Cosford and St Athan. Those were subject to the most detailed scrutiny to decide which was the better fit for our defence requirements and the decision was that the defence training review should relocate facilities to St Athan. We believe that there is an obvious synergy between that and other work at St Athan, particular in high technology, and a lot of work has already gone into preparing for that move. To change course now, as he suggests, would undo a great deal of investment that has already been made and add considerably to the final cost.”
[22] At the CPO Inquiry when questioned on ‘synergy’,  Nicola Goodwin-Bailey, Head of Planning (WAG E&T) claimed “complementarity”, quoting the WAG Minister’s statement of 24 March 2006, saying their Aerospace plans were complementary and would go ahead “whatever the outcome of the DTR bid”.  She admitted the DTC (Training College) did not have the “synergies” seen originally with the DARA aircraft maintenance and refitting work. Her evidence said (Appendix 4) the loss of DARA would “seriously weaken” the ABP and “could lose critical mass” (s.4.4) and “if DARA were to fail... undermine the credibility of the aerospace park… remove a major reason for other companies to locate there” (6.6a(i)).  That has indeed happened, as only one company (Bond) remains on site.
[23] PFI In a Spin, Private Eye 4th August 2010
[24] HoC Public Accounts Committee.  Delivering Multi-Role Tanker Aircraft Capability www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201011/cmselect/cmpubacc/425/42503.htm